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Solidarity and the social gospel: Historical and contemporary perspectives
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Rapid industrialization with little regulation stimulated a wide array of critiques of unrestrained capitalism and grassroots movements for economic justice in Europe and North America in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The idea of solidarity was pervasive throughout intellectual histories and progressive social and theological writings of that time. Solidarity as a concept was of particular importance for socialist and labor movements and the social gospelers. Eugene V. Debs, who ran five times as the Socialist Party's candidate for president of the United States and leader of the Industrial Workers of the World, is remembered today by labor organizers to have said that "solidarity is not a matter of sentiment, but a fact, cold and impassive as the granite foundations of a skyscraper"; it is the "identity of interest, clarity of vision, honesty of intent, and oneness of purpose." (1)

Social gospelers held varying degrees of commitment to the Socialist Party. Although there is little doubt that they resonated with socialist visions of democracy and the understanding of solidarity as "identity of interest, clarity of vision, honesty of intent, and oneness of purpose." The concept of solidarity was a major foundation for the theologies that fueled social gospelers' advocacy work. Where social gospelers differed in their understanding of solidarity from prominent Socialist political leaders of their day was in the way they articulated a theological basis for their understanding of solidarity

This essay explores the understanding of and theological basis for solidarity conveyed by two prominent social gospelers, Walter Rauschenbusch and Vida Dutton Scudder. Both Rauschenbusch and Scudder were theologians who played majors roles in shaping social gospel theology through their writings and their work on the ground in social service organizations and churches.

Rauschenbusch is still today widely recognized as one of the leading voices of the Protestant social gospel movement in the twentieth century. As a Baptist, Rauschenbusch emphasized the centrality of Jesus's teachings and the concept of the kingdom of God in connection with the creation of a just society. Two of his books, Christianity and the Social Crisis (1907) and A Theology for the Social Gospel (1917), clearly articulated the circumstances of the working class and the theology of a movement of religious leaders already working for change. Insights from his eleven-year ministry as a pastor in Hell's Kitchen in New York City as well as his experience living in the U.S. as the son of a German immigrant came through in his theology and deepened his understanding of solidarity.

Scudder was also prominent social reformer. She taught as an English professor at Wellesley College and played a key role in developing a curriculum for the school that would prepare women to make an impact on the social order. The Episcopal Church honors her influence as a lay theologian with a Feast Day on October 10. Scudder was a prolific author who directed much of her attention to prominent theological and ethical debates of her time. Ninety-six of the titles I have gathered in my bibliography of her writings relate to theological ethics. (2) Among many other groups, Scudder was a member of the Society of Christian Socialists, helped to found the Episcopal Church Socialist League, and in 1911 became a card-carrying member of the Socialist Party. Her membership in the Socialist Party made her somewhat unique among social gospelers. Rauschenbusch never committed himself to the Socialist Party, and his lack of commitment has been a subject for debate among historians. Scudder agreed with Marx and other socialists that "economic necessity is the determining base of permanent social change" and with Rauschenbusch that socialism "unaided" would be "helpless to compass the decent society we crave." (3) She was close enough to Rauschenbusch to call him "comrade," and he respected her enough to send her at least one of his manuscripts to review and offer comments.

Rauschenbusch's and Scudder's concepts of solidarity can't be fully understood without connecting their writing to socialist movements of their day. Their understanding of solidarity resonated with socialist visions of democracy and was deeply rooted in Christian faith. Rauschenbusch believed that Jesus modeled solidarity, and his sacrifices should be practiced by followers. A social view of the Trinity lay at the heart of Scudder's theological ethics. Scudder argued that the social trinity was a model of divine solidarity and for human cooperation. Solidarity growing from their Christian faith inspired their investment in and advocacy for alternative visions of a new social order.

The Concept of Solidarity in the Context of the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century

Rauschenbusch's and Scudder's conceptions and practice of solidarity were framed and formed by the distinctive intellectual, social, and political currents of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Noteworthy influences upon Rauschenbusch's and Scudder's thought include the writing and theories of French philosophers Charles Fourier and Auguste Comte; the British Christian Socialists and the Fabian Society; and socialist Karl Marx, as well as social experiments such as early "Associations" forming in the U.S. in the mid-nineteenth century and labor movements that gained significant momentum in the early twentieth century.

By the end of the nineteenth century, European society had gone through a tidal wave of change that made obvious the need for new models of social and political organization. The concept of solidarity in political theory first emerged in 1821 in French philosopher Charles Fourier's book Theorie de l'Unite in which he offered a vision for utopian communities. (4)  Fourier experienced hardship and loss during the French Revolution when he lost the fortune he inherited from his father, who was a rich cloth merchant. After losing his father's fortune, he began to work as a minor clerk in a business house. His experiences living in dreary pensions inspired dreams of a new "Combined Order" where people lived together in communities of harmony and health. He wrote, "To further the design of God, you ought to be in quest of a Social Order which can be instituted in the entire World, and not just among a few nations." (5)

The impact of Fourier's work was felt in the United States in the 1840s through the development of "Associationism" and the building of model utopian communities or "phalanxes." Fourierism in many ways anticipated the Social Gospel movement. In the early 1840s, more than three dozen short-lived communal experiments developed in New York, Boston, and other places in the North. These "Associations" were the first attempt in the U.S. to "harness the powerful ideas and symbols of Christianity to the emerging worldview of secular socialism." (6) The Brook Farm Association founded in West Roxbury, Massachusetts, just outside of Boston, "adopted the doctrine of solidarity to justify their conversion to Fourierism." Within the community, "individuals derived their identity from the great ideal being called Humanity, and their actions in turn contributed directly to the progress or [r]egeneration of humankind." (7) The call of the Christian reformer was not to self-reliance but to a collective context confirmed by the solidarity of all humanity.

Auguste Comte was another key French philosopher who further developed the conceptual basis of solidarity. Comte, the founder of the modern field of sociology, thought of solidarity as the radical sense of interdependence that lies at the pulsating heart of all human life. His work and understanding of solidarity became particularly significant for organizations and associations developing across Europe.

By the mid-nineteenth century, a small group of Anglican priests in England launched a critique of prevailing exploitative patterns of industrialization. Charles Kingsley, Frederick Denison Maurice, and Frederick W. Robertson were both formed by and shaped the tradition of Anglican social protest for their time. Historian Christopher Evans suggests that Maurice and Robertson could be considered some of the first social gospelers. Maurice, in particular, was preoccupied with the role of the church in social reform. Many of the ideas of Christian Socialists were expressed and embodied in Christian Socialist societies that formed in Great Britain and the U.S. in the 1880s and 1890s. (8)

Both Rauschenbusch and Scudder read the works of Christian Socialists as well as Comte, the Fabians, and Karl Marx. The Fabian Society formed in 1884, a little less than a year after Marx's death. Marx's eldest daughter, Eleanor, became a member. The Fabian Society was a more radical offshoot of the Fellowship of New Life, a fellowship that focused on the subordination of the material to the spiritual and moral regeneration of society. Fabians emerged as a splinter group focusing on social reform with the goal of establishing a democratic socialist state in Great Britain. They believed and advocated for the means of production to be held and organized by the community, instead of by individuals. By 1894, about twenty-five clergy were listed as members of the Fabian Society, including Stewart Headlam, a moral philosopher who taught at Cambridge University and who established the Guild of St. Matthew. In the Fabian Society, Headlam was active on the Executive Committee.

Early Fabians derived inspiration from writers, poets, thinkers, scientists, and politicians such as Comte, William Langland, William Blake, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Robert Owen, Charles Darwin, Benjamin Disraeli, William Gladstone, and William Morris. Some reflections on the Fabian understanding of solidarity are included in George Bernard Shaw's edited collection of Fabian Essays in Socialism (1891). Hubert Bland identified solidarity as a growing consciousness among workers and the pressure being put upon workers by industry to stand together. This edited collection made a profound impression on Anglican leader W. D. P. Bliss. Bliss established an American Fabian Society among other Christian socialist societies and extensively influenced many Christian social reformers of the time through his success in publishing. Scudder and Rauschenbusch were among those influenced by Bliss. An issue for Christian Socialists and Protestant clergy was how to draw working-class people into the Protestant churches. Both Rauschenbusch and Scudder commented on this problem. Scudder's answer was for the "Church to speak with the tongue of labor." (9)

Karl Marx dismissed the Christians Socialists, including F. D. Maurice, as "the holy water with which the priest consecrates the heart-burnings of the aristocrat." (10) Rebecca Todd Peters observes in her book Solidarity Ethics that for Marx, "solidarity represents the relationships and bonds between members of the working class due to their common struggle against oppression under capitalism. It is the notion of working-class solidarity... [that] develop[ed] into the dominant form of political solidarity within the socialist party in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries." (11) By 1888, Marx's materialist approach dominated the growing socialist revolution as laborers accepted the Communist Manifesto as their common platform. Socialism reached the height of its influence in the United States between the years of 1897 and 1912. The Socialist Party Platform of 1912 defined solidarity in terms of class solidarity for the purpose of "effective organization, [so that] workers will have the power to make all laws and control all industry in their own interest." Similar language was used by the social gospelers and Christian organizations seeking to apply pressure to regulate industry at that time.

Walter Rauschenbusch's View of Jesus as the Model of Solidarity

These theories and movements for social change provided a rich intellectual, social, and political context for Rauschenbusch and Scudder to distill their own distinctively Christian understanding of solidarity. What left the most lasting impression upon Rauschenbusch from his ministry in Hell's Kitchen was the infant mortality rate in tenement districts where he presided over too many premature funerals. He described tenements as "miasmatic swamps of bad air... just as swamps teem with fungus growths, so the bacilli of tuberculosis multiply on the rotting lungs of the underfed and densely housed multitudes." (12) In his Thanksgiving homily given in 1898, Rauschenbusch reflected on Paul's view of the body of Christ and proclaimed that "the sooner we learn that this earth is a very small planet and getting smaller every year and that our welfare is bound up with all other passengers, the better it is for us." (13)

Rauschenbusch wrote in A Theology of the Social Gospel that hymns and prayers of the people inspired solidarity as opposed to an individualistic theology. His prayer book, For God and the People: Prayers of the Social Awakening (1908), begins with a social reading of the Lord's Prayer. He writes, "When [Jesus] bade us say, 'Our Father,' [he] spoke from that consciousness of human solidarity that was a matter of course in all his thinking. He compels us to clasp hands in spirit with all our brothers and thus to approach the Father together. This rules out all selfish isolation in religion." (14) Jesus's prayer insisted upon God's call for solidarity.

In Christianity and the Social Crisis, Rauschenbusch lamented the fact that working-class people had no adequate social standing and preferment in society. Drawing upon Marx, Rauschenbusch writes, "Capitalism necessarily divides industrial society into two classes,--those who own the instruments and materials of production, and those who furnish labor for it." (15) He viewed socialism as a "permanent solution to the labor problem." What socialism proposed to do was "to give to the whole body of workers the ownership of these vast instruments of production and to distribute among them all the entire proceeds of their common labors." (16) The success of the movement of working class people "would mean the closing of the gap which... [divided] industrial society and the establishment of industry on the principle of solidarity and the method of cooperation." (17) Moreover, Rauschenbusch called upon Protestant churches to join in solidarity with the working class to support their movements for change. He observed, "The working people are now developing the principle and practice of solidarity, which promises to be one of the most potent ethical forces of the future, and which is essentially more Christian than the covetousness and selfishness which we regard as the indispensable basis of commerce." (18) The emphasis in Rauschenbusch's statement is placed upon what Protestant churches needed to learn from the experiences of the working class.

Rauschenbusch linked solidarity with "brotherly association," cooperative ventures, "deep fellow-feeling for social misery," and "consciousness of historical opportunity." Jesus's character, personality, consciousness, and compassion were at the heart of Rauschenbusch's understanding of solidarity. The uniqueness of Jesus lay in the way in which he embodied love and initiated the Kingdom of God. Embodying love meant infusing solidarity into the social order and setting "in motion the historical forces of redemption which are to overthrow the Kingdom of Evil." (19)

Rauschenbusch questioned historical theological debates concerning Jesus's divinity and emphasized that his divinity was less about his nature than his character. In a Theology for the Social Gospel Rauschenbusch writes, "Within his mind, the punitive and imperialistic elements were steeped out of [the Kingdom of God], and the elements of love and solidarity were dyed into it. The Reign of God came to mean the organized fellowship of humanity acting under the impulse of love." (20) Jesus rose above what Rauschenbusch called temptations toward mysticism, pessimism, and asceticism, or other-worldliness to embody love.

The Social Principles of Jesus (1916) was a curriculum that Rauschenbusch wrote for study groups of the Young Men's and Young Women's Christian Associations, the Student Volunteer Movement, and Sunday-school classes. The study begins with his understanding of the value that Jesus placed on the life and personality of others and the "solidarity of the human family." Reflecting on Matthew 22:35-40, Jesus's commandments to love the Lord your God with all your heart, soul, and mind and to love your neighbor as yourself, Rauschenbusch writes: "Love is the social instinct which minds man and man together and makes them indispensable to one another. Whoever demands love, demands solidarity. Whoever sets love first, sets fellowship high." (21) He goes on to describe aspects of solidarity, including "forgiveness of debts," "solidarity of neighborhood groups," and the "solidarity of generations."

Rauschenbusch called for a working alliance between churches and labor movements. Christian faith had something distinctive to offer movements of laborers, and the labor movement had something distinctive to offer people of faith. He wrote, "Just as the Protestant principle of religious liberty and the democratic principle of political liberty rose to victory by an alliance with the middle class which was then rising to power, so the new Christian principle of brotherly association must ally itself with the working class if both are to conquer. Each depends upon the other. The idealist movement alone would be a soul without a body; the economic class movement alone would be a body without a soul." (22) Rauschenbusch envisioned the cultivation of a "new apostolate" to do the work of the sower in a time when he thought that the "powers of life" evident in widespread movements for social change were on their side.

Vida Dutton Scudder on the Solidarity of God as a Model for Human Relationships

Like Rauschenbusch, Scudder prayed for a new social awakening, but her daily prayer before meals echoed the socialist movement--"We have food; others have none, God bless the revolution!" She became well-known for critiquing churches for cultivating a piety that was "suave mannered" and "pleasant voiced," endangering nothing in particular, but adorned with Sunday pews with a sense of saccharine self-righteousness. Gary Dorrien points out that in Scudder's mind, individualism was "intrinsic to Protestantism, but the high sacramental churches were holistic and solidaristic." (23) The concept of the Social Trinity provided the theological basis for her work for social reform. Scudder conveyed her understanding of solidarity in the terms and concepts she used throughout her writings to describe God and God's vision of a just society, such as "Social Trinity," "divine Society," "God as the model for mutually and love," "corporate life," "sacrificial love," "constructive justice," and the "cooperative commonwealth." She practiced solidarity through her work in the social settlement movement and by actively participating in the labor movement.

Scudder's book Socialism and Character (1912) was published at the height of the socialist movement in the United States and the same year that Eugene Debs won nearly a million votes as the Socialist candidate for the President of the United States. In Socialism and Character, Scudder described Social Trinity as the model of divine solidarity and the "social thought of God." The concept of the Three-in-One "lifted over a world ravaged by hate and selfishness its desperate, glorious assertion that the abiding reality was found not in isolation, but in fellowship; not in self-seeking, but in a giving of self to the uttermost; not in a personality shut in upon itself, but in an equal interchange of love attaining that highest unity which only differentiation can produce." (24) The Trinity laid the groundwork for a model for society based upon solidarity, equality, and love.

Social Teachings of the Christian Year (1921) was intended to define the social meaning of Christianity and how teachings of the church modeled democratic society. She reflected in that book on the meaning of Trinity and Trinity-tide: "We realize the fullness of our own being only when we are conjoined in love to other beings, and gain our best hints of unity and completeness of life in sacred flashes where hearts and minds, retaining their separateness, through their very separation realize the mystery and miracle of fusion." (25) Scudder thought that the social order should reproduce the spiritual order and to "sweep all separateness away." She believed that creeds, traditions, and teachings of the church were like gateways opening into a new theologically informed and just social, economic, and political order. The task before the churches for centuries was "to evolve a society which shall subsist in unity of love that shall bear the same likeness to the Divine Nature in whose image we are made." (26) Scudder appealed to social solidarity, self-sacrifice, and equality as the norms and guidelines for moral action that would lead to the kind of freedom and love known in Divine Society.

Scudder kept in mind particular figures that embodied solidarity, self-sacrifice, and equality. Jesus modeled sacrificing for the sake of the greater good of the community by living as a person in poverty rather than prioritizing personal comfort. He did not worry about material success or allow his own well-being to consume his thoughts and activities. He focused his energies on God's movement in the world. Scudder emphasized the importance of Jesus's Sermon on the Mount and the Lord's Prayer for understanding his humility and concentration on discovering the nature of God within him and in his activities. Scudder characterized the kind of love and solidarity that Christ called Christians to emulate in this way: "I do not ask the wounded person how he feels; I myself become the wounded person." (27)

Humility and self-sacrifice within the context of Scudder's writings must be carefully defined. Both humility and self-sacrifice are concepts that can be used to fuel and inform the continued exploitation of people who have been pushed to the margins of society. Scudder's view of Jesus's humility and self-sacrifice can only be understood in relation to her social view of Trinity. Jesus's actions reveal something about the nature of God and God's experience and love understood as cooperation, mutuality, and collaboration. The fullest expression of love, for Scudder, is only known in terms mutuality, solidarity, and totally shared life and requires a sense of balance between self-respect and self-giving. Love is not completely given on behalf of or completely received; it is discovered in solidarity, in receiving and in giving. In Social Teaching of the Christian Year, Scudder wrote about corporate sacrifice as the essential means of redeeming society. She wrote about sacrifice in terms of collectives and suggested three possibilities: "the sacrifice of a class, of a nation, of a Church." Considering the role that the church should play as one of solidarity with those struggling for justice and fairness, she wrote, "The Church as she might be: no longer watchful over her own prerogatives or possessions... watchful rather to gather her children from every nation into one great unity of love, that they may live by a law which the world denies." (28)

For Scudder, saints were also prominent sources for moral norms. She thought of Catherine of Siena as the "prototype of the modern woman reformer" and Francis as a model for inquiring about the whole relationship between "Christianity and the ethics of private ownership." (29) What Jesus, Catherine, and Francis had in common was that they lived as agents of change and cooperated with God in the process of redeeming society. They treated others as equals, sacrificed their own needs for the sake of community, drew upon their relationship with God as a resource for daily living, and, most importantly, chose to live in poverty.

Rauschenbusch has often been criticized by later theologians and historians for creating a movement of primarily Protestant clergy. Scudder's work is even more intriguing in light of this critique of Rauschenbusch and expands past definitions of social gospel theology and the movements for reform associated with it. She was denied access to ordination, and in addition to her writing, Scudder practiced solidarity through her involvement in the social settlement movement, participation in the labor movement, and how she lived in community with other women. Scudder helped to found the College Settlements Association through which she believed that educated women would become "a social factor" and started a Settlement House on Rivington Street in New York in 1889. She described the house as a collective expression of solidarity on behalf of college women with people in poverty. The houses "have been and are centers of joy, of light, of higher inspiration... centers of revelation, where a truer ideal of life, more practical method of realizing Christianity in daily living has been discovered by many a seeking, thoughtful woman." (30) For several years, she focused her attention on the work of Denison House, a settlement for Italian immigrants in Boston. Although Scudder was never allowed the opportunity to serve as a priest in her church, her settlement experience compares to Rauschenbusch's service as a pastor in Hell's Kitchen by exposing her to the experience of and giving her a sense of solidarity with working-class people. What she recognized as the limitations of settlement work also left her longing for systemic change.

In 1912, she was asked to speak at a meeting of women affected by the Lawrence textile worker's strike. The strike was also known as the Bread and Roses Strike because of the protest signs carried by strikers that read, "We want Bread, but Roses too!" The strike began in January 1912 because of a state law passed that reduced the work week for women from fifty-six hours a week to fifty-four, which resulted in lower wages. Lawrence workers earned on average a weekly wage of $8.76. Half of the striking workers were women and children who earned even less. Some of the mill owners in Lawrence responded to the new law by reducing workers' wages by about three and half per cent. The mill owners argued that if workers' hours were to be decreased, then wages would have to fall to keep competitive with mills in other states. (31) Many of the women working in the textile factory were Italian, Hungarian, Portuguese, FrenchCanadian, Slavic, and Syrian immigrants. Their living and working conditions were extremely poor. They demanded a pay increase of about fifteen per cent. Scudder wrote about her experience of meeting with I.W.W. organizer "big Bill Haywood" and visiting with the strikers. What impressed her most was their unity or solidarity, and she thought that their "evocation of sacrificial devotion" was something that "the churches might well envy." (32)

Scudder was called upon to speak to a group of women as they were discerning how to deal with the brutality of the police throughout the strike. Scudder encouraged the strikers to stay strong: "The political power is in your hands. A little more patience, a little more solidarity, a little longer self-control; and, through means that shall hold the sympathy of all right-minded and disinterested people in the whole country, you may achieve your holy aim of economic freedom." (33) Some severely criticized her for her involvement in the Lawrence striker's meeting because of the association of the strike with the Industrial Workers World. Some even asked that the trustees of Wellesley College call for her resignation due to what they interpreted to be the political nature of her comments.

An additional observation needs to be made when comparing Rauschenbusch's and Scudder's views of solidarity. Like many other women reformers of her time, Scudder did not devote herself to dominant cultural norms of white middle-class family life. Two of her books are dedicated to Florence Converse, a friend and social visionary. Scudder lived with Converse and, like many women invested in social reform at the time, remained committed to a community of women. (34) Ultimately, for Scudder, self-sacrifice, social solidarity, and love would lead toward a Cooperative Commonwealth; a social order transformed in light of God's cooperative image.

Can Contemporary Religious Social Activists Learn Anything from Raushchenbusch's and Scudder's Views of Solidarity?

The social, economic, and political problems with which social gospelers were concerned have not gone away. Susan Brooks Thistlethwaite made this statement in an article she wrote that called for "a new social gospel": "Here's the stark reality: the gains that were made through the titanic labor struggles of the late 19th and 20th centuries for decent working conditions, the right to organize and form unions and secure living wages are being systematically destroyed in the 'post-industrial' age of the American 21st century." (35) There is little doubt of the truth to Thistlethwaite's statement. The Economic Policy Institute has published several important studies on the decoupling of pay with productivity since the 1970s. (36) As a result, low and moderate wage workers have experienced wage stagnation or even a decline in wages while the income of top earners has increased. When some members of the community suffer as a result of being undervalued and underpaid, the whole community is placed at risk. Calling for oneness of vision remains relevant.

Little has been written about the concept of solidarity and the centrality of this idea in the theologies that fueled social gospelers' work in the twentieth century. More work can and should be done from a historical perspective to investigate the importance of solidarity for middle-class religious activists in the past. Important lessons can be learned from Rauschenbusch and Scudder about social class and attempts to eliminate social distance. Both Rauschenbusch and Scudder called for churches to adopt the language of the workers, to expand their rosters, and to ally themselves with labor movements. Scudder specifically emphasized "sacrifice of class, nation, and church" as a means of solidarity. However, it is also important to recognize that solidarity can be defined in such a way as to allow one social group to maintain superiority over another. In this case, neither Rauschenbusch nor Scudder completely broke free from the boundaries of social class. It is widely known that Rauschenbusch created alliances and built a movement primarily among Protestant clergy. Scudder also had a great deal of privilege in publishing due to families ties. When considering the wealth divide and class divisions in the twenty-first century, those who are squarely in the middle class and within professional, managerial-level jobs must consider ways to see beyond the restrictions imposed upon them by their own social class and challenge the ways in which they are upholding power structures.

In addition, one of the great achievements of social gospelers was to create strong institutions and communities to inform and form persons and movements of solidarity. Social gospelers used of a variety of popular means to get their message across--prayerbooks, curriculum for study groups, plays, poetry, hymns, and novels. Social gospelers created resources and ecumenical groups and organizations that laid the pathway for change for sixty years, such as Christian socialist societies, the Society of Jesus, College Settlement Associations, etc. Many if not most of the institutions and organizations founded at that time are now withering due to lack of funding and declining memberships in mainline churches. Moreover, when considering wealth inequalities and poverty issues today, crossing divisions of class still remains a significant obstacle for ecumenical institutions and organizations. I have participated in a number of dialogues and campaigns for economic justice sponsored by denominational and ecumenical organizations, and the question of how to ensure that those who are most at risk in today's globalized and highly technological economy are at the table is still consistently raised. If long-lasting and meaningful networks of solidarity are to be formed, they must reach beyond boundaries of race, class, and gender in intentional ways so as to challenge power structures that prevent innovative and authentic changes from being made.

Elizabeth Hinson-Hasty / Bellarmine University

(1.) "Blowing Purple Smoke or Building Solidarity," Oregon Workers Unite, Oregon Workers Union, http://www.oregonworkersunion.com/id124.html.

(2.) See Elizabeth Hinson-Hasty, Beyond the Social Maze: Exploring Vida Dutton Scudder's Theological Ethics (New York: T & T Clark, 2006), 2.

(3.) Vida Dutton Scudder, Socialism and Character (London: J. M. Dent and Sons, 1912), 132-33.

(4.) Rebecca Todd Peters discusses the importance of Fourier's work in her recent study of Solidarity Ethics: Transformation in a Globalized World (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress, 2014), 19.

(5.) Charles Fourier, "The System of Passionate Attraction," in French Utopias: An Anthology of Ideal Societies, ed. Frank E. Manuel and Fritzie P. Manuel (New York: Schocken Books, 1971), 320.

(6.) Carol J. Guarneri, "The Associationists: Forging a Christian Socialism in Antebellum America" Church History 52, no. 1 (1983): 36.

(7.) Ibid., 42.

(8.) Christopher Evans, The Kingdom is Always but Coming: A Life of Walter Rauschenbusch. (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans, 2004), 31-32.

(9.) Scudder, "How Draw Workingmen into Church?" American Church Monthly 4 (September 1918): 34.

(10.) Karl Marx and Frederich Engels, The Communist Manifesto, English edition, ed. Engels (1888), 42, http://www.fulltextarchive.com/pdfs/The-Communist-Manifesto.pdf.

(11.) Peters, Solidarity Ethics, 23.

(12.) Rauschenbusch, Christianity and the Social Crisis (1907; repr., Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 1991), 197.

(13.) Darlene Peitz, Solidarity as Hermeneutic: A Revisionist Reading of the Theology of Walter Rauschenbusch (New York: Peter Lang, 1992).

(14.) Rauschenbusch, Prayers of the New Social Awakening (1908; repr., Boston: Pilgrim Press, 1909), 17.

(15.) Rauschenbusch, Christianity and the Social Crisis, 406.

(16.) Ibid.

(17.) Ibid., 414.

(18.) As quoted by Peitz, Solidarity as Hermeneutic, 59.

(19.) Rauschenbusch, A Theology for the Social Gospel, with an introduction by Donald W. Shriver, Jr. (1907; repr., Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1997),147.

(20.) Ibid., 155.

(21.) Rauschenbusch, The Social Principles of Jesus (New York: Woman's Press, 1916), 17.

(22.) Rauschenbusch, Christianity and the Social Crisis, 409.

(23.) Gary J. Dorrien, The Making of American Liberal Theology: Idealism, Realism, and Modernity 1900-1950 (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2003), 137.

(24.) Scudder, Socialism and Character, 352.

(25.) Scudder, Socialist Teachings of the Christian Year (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1921), 226-27.

(26.) Ibid., 232.

(27.) Scudder is drawing upon the writings of Walt Whitman in this context. See Scudder, "Education for the New Day," The World Tomorrow 3 (December 1920): 10.

(28.) Scudder, Social Teachings of the Christian Year, 155.

(29.) Scudder, On Journey (New York: Dutton, 1937), 322.

(30.) Scudder, "The College Settlement Movement," Smith College Monthly (May 1900): 451.

(31.) "Lawrence Strike of 1912," in Women Working, 1800-1930, Harvard University Open Collections Program, http://ocp.hul.harvard.edu/ww/lawrencestrike.html.

(32.) Scudder, On Journey, 185-86.

(33.) "Miss Scudder's Criticized Speech: Just What She Said at a Citizens' Meeting in Lawrence, to Which Exception Has Been So Excitedly Taken by the Brahmans," Boston Common (March 9, 1912): 7.

(34.) Patricia Palmieri includes an important discussion of Wellesley marriages in her book In Adamless Eden (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995).

(35.) Susan Brooks Thistlethwaite, "We Need a New Social Gospel: The Moral Imperative of Collective Bargaining," OnFaith (blog), February 23, 2011, http://www.faithstreet. com/onfaith/2011/02/23/we-need-a-new-social-gospel-the-moral-imperative-of-collective -bargaining/4875.

(36.) See Josh Bivens and Lawrence Mishel, "Understanding the Historic Divergence Between Productivity and a Typical Workers Pay," The Economic Policy Institute, September 2, 2015, http://www.epi.org/publication/understanding-the-historic-divergence-between-productivity-and-a-typical-workers-pay-why-it-matters-and-why-its-real/.

Source Citation   (MLA 8th Edition)
Hinson-Hasty, Elizabeth. "Solidarity and the social gospel: Historical and contemporary perspectives." American Journal of Theology & Philosophy, vol. 37, no. 2, 2016, p. 137+. Academic OneFile, libproxy.bellarmine.edu%2Flogin%3Furl%3Dhttp%3A%2F%2Fgo.galegroup.com%2Fps%2Fi.do%3Fp%3DAONE%26sw%3Dw%26u%3Dloui21685%26v%3D2.1%26id%3DGALE%257CA455613716%26it%3Dr%26asid%3Deb69391bc7b63bffbda13b405a883719. Accessed 19 Nov. 2017.

Gale Document Number: GALE|A455613716